In many ways the Age of Nation-States saw the continuation of the political fervor that reached an apex during Europe's fateful year of 1848. As we saw in the lecture on "Coping with Change" the Revolutions of 1848 throughout Europe all fell back into the hands of conservative regimes by 1850. In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, Europe will see significant changes to its political structure and demography. Many of the nationalistic ideals and dreams from the Age of Romanticism become actualized in this time period, albeit these achievements were reached through conservative mediums. The complexity of building nationalism during the age of unification will further develop the concept of modernity, and provide the animosity that will eventually spark the first global war in European History.
Following the collapse of the Napoleonic Empire, Metternich once remarked that Italy was "a mere geographical expression." He could have said that same for Germany, because up until the second half of the nineteenth century, both lands consisted of a number of independent territories, a disunity that dated back to the Middle Ages. In the beginning of this course, we discussed how the Late Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period saw the rise of individual in society, and much of that success was due to the development of independent state during the Renaissance. Countries, such as France, Spain, and Great Britain all had successfully expanded their authority and achievement by creating strong nation-states. This process, however, never took place in either the German territories or on the Italian peninsula.
In order to understand the complexity of these nationalistic movements one must look to the state of the European society at the turn of the mid-nineteenth century. Although the revolutions of 1848 were quieted and quelled across the land, the spirit and drive of these movements was still very much alive. Towards that end, the fervor began to catch on to the conservative leadership in these states, who began to fear foreign domination and wished to unify under one common state. This shift was evident in the tension that surround a rather insignificant conflict over the Crimean territory.
In 1853, the Crimean War began when Russia intervened in a territory formally associated with the Ottoman Empire. The war was critical to the formation of centralized states in both Italy and Germany because it brought about the collapse of the Concert of Europe. Russia's interest in the Crimea and the territories of Moldavia and Walachia cautioned Great Britain and France fearing that Russia was after the port of Istanbul, and thus a presence in the Mediterranean Sea . Nonetheless, Russia suffered defeat in 1856 and with it lost significant territories on the Danube. This weakened Russia and made them bitter towards the Western powers. As a result, Metternich's idea of great powers working together dissipated and the Concert of Europe failed. This meant that when Austria stood in opposition to the building of states in Italy and Germany, it received no support from an embittered Russia, and when France found itself confronting Prussia in 1870, it would find little sympathy across the English Channel.
As witnessed during the discussion on the 1848 Revolutions, the Italian liberals made an aborted attempt to create an Italian state. Although the attempt failed, the dream for a state never disappeared. Following the collapse of the short-lived Roman Republic, Pope Pius IX with the helped of Napoleon III instilled increasingly reactionary polices. The liberals who longed for a united Italy, however, did not go away but looked with hope to the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia for help actualizing these dreams for unification. The true architect of Italian unification was not the king of Piedmont-Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel II, but Camillo Cavour (1810-1861), his chief minister. Cavour was quite different from earlier Italian nationalists like Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872), who saw state-building in romanticized terms. Cavour was a far more practical individual, who primarily sought ways to enhance the power of the Sardinian state.
Cavour was a Machiavellian realist who creatively constructed political friendships with France by giving up Nice and Savoy in order to get help expelling Austria from Northern Italy. Although Napoleon III supported Cavour's movement in the North, he was cautious about helping form completely unified Italy. Much to Napoleon's chagrin, however, the war against Austria helped inspired popular rebellions throughout Italian peninsula. For example, in the south of Italy, one of the most intriguing characters in Italian history, Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807-1882) emerged.
Garibaldi was one of the old romantic revolutionaries who helped fight during the 1848 revolutions. Garibaldi had a flair for the dramatic, and he was quite a fan of the people. To that end, Cavour began to fear that Garibaldi’s popularity would ruin his plan for unification. He convinced Garibaldi to invade Sicily and Naples and oust the Bourbon leadership, which Garibaldi did with his 1,000 red shirted soldiers. In order to curtail Garibaldi's success and ensure the that unification would be forged under Piedmont's leadership, Cavour rushed troops to Naples to meet Garibaldi. At his point he persuaded Garibaldi to unite with his movement and on March 17, 1861, Victor Emmanuel was declared the first king of Italy.
Following the collapse of the Napoleonic Empire, Metternich once remarked that Italy was "a mere geographical expression." He could have said that same for Germany, because up until the second half of the nineteenth century, both lands consisted of a number of independent territories, a disunity that dated back to the Middle Ages. In the beginning of this course, we discussed how the Late Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period saw the rise of individual in society, and much of that success was due to the development of independent state during the Renaissance. Countries, such as France, Spain, and Great Britain all had successfully expanded their authority and achievement by creating strong nation-states. This process, however, never took place in either the German territories or on the Italian peninsula.
In order to understand the complexity of these nationalistic movements one must look to the state of the European society at the turn of the mid-nineteenth century. Although the revolutions of 1848 were quieted and quelled across the land, the spirit and drive of these movements was still very much alive. Towards that end, the fervor began to catch on to the conservative leadership in these states, who began to fear foreign domination and wished to unify under one common state. This shift was evident in the tension that surround a rather insignificant conflict over the Crimean territory.
In 1853, the Crimean War began when Russia intervened in a territory formally associated with the Ottoman Empire. The war was critical to the formation of centralized states in both Italy and Germany because it brought about the collapse of the Concert of Europe. Russia's interest in the Crimea and the territories of Moldavia and Walachia cautioned Great Britain and France fearing that Russia was after the port of Istanbul, and thus a presence in the Mediterranean Sea . Nonetheless, Russia suffered defeat in 1856 and with it lost significant territories on the Danube. This weakened Russia and made them bitter towards the Western powers. As a result, Metternich's idea of great powers working together dissipated and the Concert of Europe failed. This meant that when Austria stood in opposition to the building of states in Italy and Germany, it received no support from an embittered Russia, and when France found itself confronting Prussia in 1870, it would find little sympathy across the English Channel.
As witnessed during the discussion on the 1848 Revolutions, the Italian liberals made an aborted attempt to create an Italian state. Although the attempt failed, the dream for a state never disappeared. Following the collapse of the short-lived Roman Republic, Pope Pius IX with the helped of Napoleon III instilled increasingly reactionary polices. The liberals who longed for a united Italy, however, did not go away but looked with hope to the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia for help actualizing these dreams for unification. The true architect of Italian unification was not the king of Piedmont-Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel II, but Camillo Cavour (1810-1861), his chief minister. Cavour was quite different from earlier Italian nationalists like Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872), who saw state-building in romanticized terms. Cavour was a far more practical individual, who primarily sought ways to enhance the power of the Sardinian state.
Cavour was a Machiavellian realist who creatively constructed political friendships with France by giving up Nice and Savoy in order to get help expelling Austria from Northern Italy. Although Napoleon III supported Cavour's movement in the North, he was cautious about helping form completely unified Italy. Much to Napoleon's chagrin, however, the war against Austria helped inspired popular rebellions throughout Italian peninsula. For example, in the south of Italy, one of the most intriguing characters in Italian history, Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807-1882) emerged.
Garibaldi was one of the old romantic revolutionaries who helped fight during the 1848 revolutions. Garibaldi had a flair for the dramatic, and he was quite a fan of the people. To that end, Cavour began to fear that Garibaldi’s popularity would ruin his plan for unification. He convinced Garibaldi to invade Sicily and Naples and oust the Bourbon leadership, which Garibaldi did with his 1,000 red shirted soldiers. In order to curtail Garibaldi's success and ensure the that unification would be forged under Piedmont's leadership, Cavour rushed troops to Naples to meet Garibaldi. At his point he persuaded Garibaldi to unite with his movement and on March 17, 1861, Victor Emmanuel was declared the first king of Italy.
Although Italian unification had important implications for the rest of Europe, the rise of a united German state in 1871 totally altered the balance of power in Europe owing to the great military and economic strength of this new state. The process of German unification began as early as the Napoleonic domination of Europe in the early nineteenth century. It was the destruction of the Holy Roman Empire in 1807, split the German population into two states--Austria and Prussia. While the Prussians were the smaller state, it was their power and political maneuvering that would successful create the first German state.
In 1861, the same year that Italy declared its unification, the Prussia king Frederick William IV stepped down from the throne due to his insanity, and his brother William assumed the position. Aware of Italy's success and the growing concern for his own kingdom, William selected Otto Von Bismarck as his Prime Minister with the mission of bonding a German state. Bismarck, like Cavour, was a hard-nose conservative who believed in the reality of politics. He was also an excellent negotiator and had an uncanny ability to pick a fight, but not look like an aggressor.
Bismark's plan was simple: first he wanted to strengthen the Germans within Prussia, and then create a series of wars that would solidify a German territory. The process began in 1864, when Bismarck convinced Austria to help him fight for two territories controlled by Denmark, Schleswig and Holstein. After easily defeating the Danes, Prussia would take Schleswig, while Austria would administer Holstein. Bismarck cunningly set up this system to instigate his next war with Austria. In 1866, he secured an alliance with the Italians, promising them the rest of the northern Italian lands that Austria still controlled. Then Prussia declared war on Austria over a dispute in the governance of Holstein. After defeating the Austrians, Bismarck annexed two smaller German states and established the North German Confederation.
In 1870, the final stage of Bismarck's plan was set in motion when he provoked a war with the French. At this time, The Second Empire in France was weakened due to Napoleon III's opening the door to liberalism within the Empire. By 1860, Napoleon III reestablished the National Assembly and conceded on several legislative areas. Although Napoleon III was relatively well-liked and did a lot of great things in France, his vanity would ultimately be his downfall. Bismarck, aware of Napoleon III's weakness used a dynastic issue to get France to draw the first punch in the fight. Spain had forced their unfavored Queen to abdicate and one of the people invited to take the throne was King William's cousin to take the throne. Napoleon III successful convinced William to withdraw his cousin's name, but Bismarck wrote a fake letter called the Ems Dispatch, which insulted France. Napoleon III took the bait and declared war on Prussia. It only took the Prussians six weeks to defeat the French, and at the Battle of Sedan they captured Napoleon III, who then abdicated and gave way to Prussian dominance.
On January 18, 1871, Bismarck negotiated the Treaty of Frankfurt, which ceded the French territories of Alsace and Lorraine to Prussia and declared the Prussian king, William I the Kaiser of the Second Reich. Therefore the process of German unification was completed by the establishment of the Second German Empire, and Europe was completely changed.
In 1861, the same year that Italy declared its unification, the Prussia king Frederick William IV stepped down from the throne due to his insanity, and his brother William assumed the position. Aware of Italy's success and the growing concern for his own kingdom, William selected Otto Von Bismarck as his Prime Minister with the mission of bonding a German state. Bismarck, like Cavour, was a hard-nose conservative who believed in the reality of politics. He was also an excellent negotiator and had an uncanny ability to pick a fight, but not look like an aggressor.
Bismark's plan was simple: first he wanted to strengthen the Germans within Prussia, and then create a series of wars that would solidify a German territory. The process began in 1864, when Bismarck convinced Austria to help him fight for two territories controlled by Denmark, Schleswig and Holstein. After easily defeating the Danes, Prussia would take Schleswig, while Austria would administer Holstein. Bismarck cunningly set up this system to instigate his next war with Austria. In 1866, he secured an alliance with the Italians, promising them the rest of the northern Italian lands that Austria still controlled. Then Prussia declared war on Austria over a dispute in the governance of Holstein. After defeating the Austrians, Bismarck annexed two smaller German states and established the North German Confederation.
In 1870, the final stage of Bismarck's plan was set in motion when he provoked a war with the French. At this time, The Second Empire in France was weakened due to Napoleon III's opening the door to liberalism within the Empire. By 1860, Napoleon III reestablished the National Assembly and conceded on several legislative areas. Although Napoleon III was relatively well-liked and did a lot of great things in France, his vanity would ultimately be his downfall. Bismarck, aware of Napoleon III's weakness used a dynastic issue to get France to draw the first punch in the fight. Spain had forced their unfavored Queen to abdicate and one of the people invited to take the throne was King William's cousin to take the throne. Napoleon III successful convinced William to withdraw his cousin's name, but Bismarck wrote a fake letter called the Ems Dispatch, which insulted France. Napoleon III took the bait and declared war on Prussia. It only took the Prussians six weeks to defeat the French, and at the Battle of Sedan they captured Napoleon III, who then abdicated and gave way to Prussian dominance.
On January 18, 1871, Bismarck negotiated the Treaty of Frankfurt, which ceded the French territories of Alsace and Lorraine to Prussia and declared the Prussian king, William I the Kaiser of the Second Reich. Therefore the process of German unification was completed by the establishment of the Second German Empire, and Europe was completely changed.
Despite the Nationalistic-Conservative take over of Italy and Germany, Democracy became replete throughout the west during the 1870s. As a result, the voter constituency likewise grew causing a major shift in the the political realm across Europe. Significant developments in the democratic process were witnessed during this time. Specifically this period improved public education, increased the readership in journals/newspapers, as well as saw the birth of political campaigns. In general, Liberal Democracy in the West spawned lower taxes, exhibited free trade, and had little government involvement. In Great Britain, for example the rise in the political parties, such as conservatives and liberals demonstrated reform from both sides of the political spectrum. Not only did the electorate expand during this time, but society also improved to do the various reforms.
Just after the turn of the twentieth century, the Labour Party formed and competed with the Liberals, eventually replacing them. The Labourites influenced the Liberal government to work for still more social welfare. Therefore between 1906 and the First World War, the Liberals adopted unemployment insurance and minimum wage. To pay for such reforms, Parliament established a progressive income tax.
On the European continent, politics tended to be different. In 1871, France's Second Empire fell to the hands of the mighty Prussians. Immediately the Liberals rushed to form a new legislative republic, but faced opposition in the city of Paris. The Parisians felt slighted by the humiliating loss in the Franco-Prussian War and did not wish to hastily rush into another corrupt government. To that end, they formed the first and only successful Marxist government -- the Paris Commune 1871-73. While the Commune was able to hold off the Republic from forming in Paris for nearly two years, ultimately the Third Republic would be successful and largely due to the political bridge formed between the Monarchists and the Socialists.
The Third Republic officially began in 1873, when they elected Marshall Patrice MacMahon as the first president. A conservative military office, MacMahon established a well-balanced government. By 1879, however, a few scandals surfaced and MacMahon decided to step down indicating that he "had enough toads to swallow in one lifetime." In reality MacMahon's experiences with scandals and corruption were only the beginning of many affairs that would plague the Third Republic. Arguably the most famous of these scandals was the Dreyfus Affair 1894-1906, which unfortunately demonstrated anti-Semitism among many conservatives in France.
Over the years the Third Republic gradually won the loyalty of the mass of French people by proving that democratic republicanism was compatible with law and order, as well as economic prosperity. Industrial workers were not as well as those in England and Germany, but there were fewer of them in France. Late nineteenth century French life was generally pleasant and secure. The presence of multiple political parties remained a stumbling block to the government, and discontentment continued among the industrial working class.
As one can see, Nationalism grew substantially during the second half of the nineteenth century. The Western states, especially England and France, patriotism grew and became increasingly anti liberal, exhibiting itself in the international competition of imperialism and in rising tariffs to protect national economies. In Eastern Europe nationalism could be a more internally divisive factor among the multiple cultural and ethnic entities. By the turn of the century, nations felt the need to build armies and navies and to form alliances with other nations. These paths of behavior destroyed the progress of the nineteenth century and helped pave the way to World War I.
Just after the turn of the twentieth century, the Labour Party formed and competed with the Liberals, eventually replacing them. The Labourites influenced the Liberal government to work for still more social welfare. Therefore between 1906 and the First World War, the Liberals adopted unemployment insurance and minimum wage. To pay for such reforms, Parliament established a progressive income tax.
On the European continent, politics tended to be different. In 1871, France's Second Empire fell to the hands of the mighty Prussians. Immediately the Liberals rushed to form a new legislative republic, but faced opposition in the city of Paris. The Parisians felt slighted by the humiliating loss in the Franco-Prussian War and did not wish to hastily rush into another corrupt government. To that end, they formed the first and only successful Marxist government -- the Paris Commune 1871-73. While the Commune was able to hold off the Republic from forming in Paris for nearly two years, ultimately the Third Republic would be successful and largely due to the political bridge formed between the Monarchists and the Socialists.
The Third Republic officially began in 1873, when they elected Marshall Patrice MacMahon as the first president. A conservative military office, MacMahon established a well-balanced government. By 1879, however, a few scandals surfaced and MacMahon decided to step down indicating that he "had enough toads to swallow in one lifetime." In reality MacMahon's experiences with scandals and corruption were only the beginning of many affairs that would plague the Third Republic. Arguably the most famous of these scandals was the Dreyfus Affair 1894-1906, which unfortunately demonstrated anti-Semitism among many conservatives in France.
Over the years the Third Republic gradually won the loyalty of the mass of French people by proving that democratic republicanism was compatible with law and order, as well as economic prosperity. Industrial workers were not as well as those in England and Germany, but there were fewer of them in France. Late nineteenth century French life was generally pleasant and secure. The presence of multiple political parties remained a stumbling block to the government, and discontentment continued among the industrial working class.
As one can see, Nationalism grew substantially during the second half of the nineteenth century. The Western states, especially England and France, patriotism grew and became increasingly anti liberal, exhibiting itself in the international competition of imperialism and in rising tariffs to protect national economies. In Eastern Europe nationalism could be a more internally divisive factor among the multiple cultural and ethnic entities. By the turn of the century, nations felt the need to build armies and navies and to form alliances with other nations. These paths of behavior destroyed the progress of the nineteenth century and helped pave the way to World War I.
world-civilization-week-14.ppt |